by Jana Vanderkelen
One of the largest e-waste sites is Agbogbloshie, located in Ghana’s capital city of Accra (Asante, et al. 2016). Agbogbloshie has become the primary destination for electrical and electronic goods imported from Europe and North America (Asante, et al. 2016). As a consequence of the increasing amount of e-waste exports from industrialized countries in the North, Agbogbloshie developed a large-scale informal e-waste recycling sector (Yang, et al. 2020). There are growing concerns about exposure to toxic chemicals and consequently to health problems due to the e-waste recycling process (Heacock, et al. 2016).
The problems associated with Agbogbloshie raise the question of environmental injustice. Agbogbloshie is one of the most polluted places on Earth (Akese en Little 2018). The claim of environmental injustice in Agbogbloshie finds its central referent in assertions that poor and marginalized populations in the global south are poisoned with toxic substances as they process the discards of rich countries in the global north (Akese en Little 2018). This statement is correct, but the injustices don’t only have environmental roots; they are also intertwined with socio-economic development.
Moreover, it sketches an image of the people of Agbogbloshie as passive actors, when this is not the case. Agbogbloshie is an example of Foucault’s Heterotopia: the phenomenon that outlines liminal social spaces in a city (Foucault 1984). In those spaces 'something else' is possible, which arises without a conscious plan, organically, influences how they shape their daily lives. Because people live like this all over the city, heterotopic spaces are created. Agbogbloshie is also an example of the urban poor fight in the notion of David Harvey (Harvey 2008) for the ‘right to the city’: this is enforced by the emergence of places like Abogbloshie where people can make a living in the informal trade and recycling process of E-waste.
Furthermore is the current polluted landscape of Agbogbloshie entangled in Ghana’s colonial history (Akese en Little 2018). The colonial economy kept the north of Ghana “underdeveloped”. There was more investment put into the infrastructure and labor in the gold mines and cocoa farms in the south (Akese en Little 2018). People from the North could no longer live happily due to the “underdevelopment” of northern Ghana; they sought a better quality in life in the South and consequently ended up in the informal sector of Agbogbloshie (Oteng-Ababio 2012).
As a matter of fact, raw materials scavenging in the informal E-waste economy as a livelihood strategy can be seen as a direct response to rapid urbanization, neoliberal globalization and a lack of formal job opportunities (Oteng-Ababio 2012). This persisting informal sector continues to displace the marginalized population. The real fundamental injustice lies therefore in socio-economic injustice, whereby Agbogbloshie exists in a postcolonial space (Akese en Little 2018).
Above all, resilience arises in many different forms. The resilience we see here is not resistance, but adaptation. People can make a living in the community as they continue to live under the threat of impending demolition expressed continuously by the city’s authority even as they rebuild the scrapyard (Akese en Little 2018). These workers are resilient because of how they create ‘possibilities in capitalist ruins (Tsing 2015). They live in a precarious environment, they work with what is available. They succeed in making a living, and to live in one of the most polluted places on Earth.
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